In England during the Age of Absolutism learning was the province of the universities (specifically Cambridge and Oxford), the coterie surrounding the court, and a handful of wealthy individuals. While serious intellectual activity and significant advances in knowledge took place, study was not systematized in a manner that would be familiar to a scholar of the late twentieth or early twenty-first centuries. Much of the influence for the changes that took place in learning in the interim can be attributed to Francis Bacon, Viscount St. Albans and erstwhile Lord High Chancellor of England.
Throughout his life Bacon produced a substantial quantity of varied writings on diverse topics including: philosophy, natural philosophy or natural history(what is today called science), politics, history, governance, and law. A theme to which he constantly returned was the philosophy of learning. In particular, the structure and re-structuring, or to use his word, the instauratio, of learning occupied a significant portion of his writing. These writings investigated the state of knowledge and its transmission and proposed a sea change in the manner in which learning was approached. In his magnum opus, Instauratio Magna, Bacon proposed a revamping of the structure of learning based on the inductive method, empirical study and physical observation. Further, he believed investigators should cooperate and that results should be open. These writings were a significant contribution to the 'modern' scientific mind-set. However, they were not universally well received in his own time.(1)
While today scientific investigation and learning in general exhibit the legacy of Bacon's work, in the early seventeenth century the organization of the approach to learning was significantly different from that which he proposed. At the universities the consideration of the methodology of knowledge and learning was twofold. First there was a fundamental reliance on received knowledge and philosophy, particularly that of the ancient Greeks, predominantly Aristotle and Plato. Secondly, the pursuit of knowledge and learning was founded principally on deductive reasoning. Proceeding from assumed first principles, practical knowledge was determined by the construction of philosophical forms that adhered to these first principles. Bacon was of the opinion, based on the unverifiability of many of the postulates, that this method had grave flaws and that thereby the results suffered from serious deficiencies.(2) However, his theories were threatening to the learned old guard, debunking, as they did, many of the foundational aspects of the entrenched schools of thought and were more likely to meet with censure than acceptance. Further, he proposals were nothing less than a complete volte face in the methods that applied to learning and thus, his recommendations were received with almost universal opposition amongst the academic establishment. Also militating against him was his lack of standing in the philosophical community of the time and this precluded serious consideration of his thought and necessitated his pursuit of some other avenue of legitimization.(3)
In the face of these circumstances Bacon reacted pragmatically. As a courtier and government official in the Age of Absolutism he utilized the existing network of patronage that was an integral part of the English courts of Queen Elizabeth I and King James I in order to continue his work on the philosophy and methods of learning. Availing himself of the only other course by which his work might be recognized, he routed it through the court and the monarchs. In particular, he dedicated his Instauratio, upon which, according to his personal papers, he worked in excess of thirty years, to James I.(4)
Bacon began life in the higher reaches of Elizabethan society as the son of Sir Nicholas Bacon, the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England. Thus, he was immediately exposed to the court society through the close contact with Elizabeth I that his father, as a member of the queen's administrative apparatus, enjoyed. There is mention of Elizabeth I referring to him as her 'little Lord Keeper', indicating his presence at court at an early age and on a continuing basis. It is obvious that there was a certain amount of effort expended to prepare him for a place in the government when he came of age and a perception that his politically adroit father was consciously placing him in the queen's ken for future consideration. Significantly, it should be noted that many of the queen's officials were not hereditary nobility, but that, as Catherine Bowen points out, Elizabeth I had developed a kind of meritocracy in her regime. Bacon's father was not of the aristocracy, but a member of the gentry who was raised into prominence through his own efforts and those of his father, who had been able to take advantage of Henry VIII's dispossession of the church by obtaining land previously in clerical hands. On the other hand, his maternal uncle was William Cecil, Lord Burghley, the queen's Lord Treasurer and also her confidant. This early background of access to the court may well have influenced the young Bacon, as the youngest son of an illustrious father, to direct his path toward that arena. Certainly he learned the court patronage framework at an early age and thus understood the potential for exploiting the system in one's own best interest.(5)
In another vein, he was also exposed to the influence of a mother, Anne Cooke, the daughter of Sir Anthony Cooke, tutor to Edward VI, who was, given the tenor of the times, an enormously educated woman. Her insistence on educating the children, Francis was the youngest of five, initiated Francis' interest in the accouterments of the mind. Moreover, there are indications that his proclivity for the investigation of nature was innate, as it is related, in what may well be an apocryphal story, that he was more enthralled with examining the properties of echoes, among other phenomena, than in playing with other children. Firm evidence of his intellectual precocity is demonstrated in his matriculation at Cambridge at the tender age of twelve.(6)
At Cambridge he encountered difficulties which indicate that his extraordinary intellect was not challenged there. While attending Trinity College he developed a life-time dislike of the Neo-Platonists, the Aristotelian logicians, and the Scholasticists, whom he felt were exerting their efforts in a non-productive pursuit. "They produce much contention, but no productive results." In this we can recognize the seeds of his attitude that knowledge (in his terms, science) was to be used as a tool in the improvement of the human condition and that intellectual endeavors that did not further the progress of humankind were exercises in futility and superfluity. It was his opinion that the course of study at Cambridge needed to be reformed into one that would redound to the betterment of society and that, as it was structured at the time of his attendance, there was little benefit to him in remaining. Therefore, he did not. He went down to London after only two years.(7)
Since college had alienated him, his father set Francis on his political path. This political preparation began with a stint as an assistant to the ambassador to France, Sir Amias Paulett. There, at the court of Henry III, one of most sophisticated in Europe, Bacon was once again exposed to the experience of the court political arena. He seems to have carried out his duties in an exemplary manner and to have learned his lessons well. This was a milieu in which he had no problem with the inherent practices as he had at Cambridge. There are even indications that his services were called upon by the queen on occasion, although the evidence confirming this is deficient. Subsequent to his assignment with the ambassador, Bacon remained in France to travel and he made his first foray into the world of letters by writing a book on cyphers. Here we see a continuing propensity on Bacon's part to fill time that was not spent in the political arena in the pursuit of knowledge. In several of his letters, as he introduces some new piece of writing to the recipient, he alludes to the circumstances surrounding his ability to produce the work as having been a period of recreation or vacation from his duties at court. In these he does not seem conscious that his political position has a bearing on the acceptance of his work, but he does use the channels developed in his political life as the outlet for his philosophical writings.(8)
The untimely death of Sir Nicholas Bacon in 1579 forced Francis to return to England and left him in a difficult situation. Although it is generally accepted that Francis was Nicholas' favorite son, the legacy he received was the smallest of all the boys. According to Bowen, property valued at about three hundred pounds a year was left to Francis. Although a considerable sum in those days, it proved to be insufficient for him to maintain the style of life to which he aspired. Unfortunately, for reasons known only to Bacon, he had a profligate nature and there were few times in his life during which he was able to live within his means. In later years he was arrested twice for outstanding debts. At one point King James is alleged to have jested that Bacon's generosity would force them both into bankruptcy: "I and he shall both die beggars." Thus, without his father to support him, Bacon needed to acquire gainful employment. With his background and the presumed influence of his friends and relations at court he decided to apply for a position in the queen's entourage. This initial attempt to enter into the court was unsuccessful, despite his previous good relations with the queen and the presence of his uncle, William Cecil, Lord Burghley, as Lord Treasurer. It would appear that Burghley was less than enthusiastic about Bacon's entrance into the court as he was, at the time, engaged in the advancement of his son, Robert Cecil.(9)
With this setback and considering the sentiments that he expressed in the notorious Burghley letter and in later correspondence, an opportunity to move into the field of scholarship presented itself. However, Bacon, rather than to move from the public arena into scholarship, as he purportedly wished to do, chose instead to read law, and in 1580 was admitted to Gray's Inn, as had been his father before him. This decision, so fraught with significance for the remainder of his life, was a crucial one. From his writings it is clear that he perceived the state of academe as in need of reformation, if not total renewal, and, therefore considered it unfit to support him and his ideas. In addition, throughout his life he believed that a career in scholarship was indicative of passivity and he felt that he was predestined for active of involvement in the workings of society and that to follow his predilection toward intellectual endeavor would be to disregard his destiny. Further, there was the mundane problem of money. The compensation offered in an academic position would not be even as much as he received from his inheritance. Further, he would need to rely on his ability to attract students, which, given his unorthodox ideas, would be uncertain, to say the least. Moreover, the structure of the universities, and learning in general, was not built to allow for the kind of professional investigation of knowledge that he would find amenable. It was also apparent that not only was he unenthusiastic about the idea, but that his prospects for obtaining a position were slim. Given that he was adamantly opposed to the current state of learning and its epistemology, what chance would he stand to acquire a position in that self-same system? The professors, proctors and administrators, as in any entrenched system, were concerned with the propagation of knowledge as they perceived it and the maintenance of the status quo. As Thomas Bodley wrote to Bacon on his work: "Now, in case we should concur to do as you advise,...it would instantly bring us to barbarism,...." If they were to admit into their ranks someone who was dedicated to the radical change of the system within which their own interest lay it would be tantamount to admitting their entire raison d'être to be in error. Finally, Bacon was an optimist. In his letters we find that, especially after a reverse, he rededicated himself to the task of obtaining the goal that had lately evaded his grasp. This was evidenced time and again, especially during Elizabeth I's reign, wherein he was unable to make any but the most minimal progress. This meant that he did not reckon that the door to a court position had shut definitively or finally. Therefore, his prospects for employment in the intellectual sphere being negligible and the recompense minimal, he chose an alternate course.(10)
Several significant events occurred during his time at Gray's. First, he stood for Parliament and was seated for the first time in 1581; he continued to hold a seat in the Parliaments until his move into King James' government in 1607. His experience in Parliament provided him with tempering. In his inaugural speech in Parliament he made reference to his father and was embarrassingly upbraided by the Speaker for it. This was notification to him, as a younger son, that in order to speak as his father's son he must gain at least his father's eminence so as not appear to be overly ambitious and capitalizing on his father's name. To someone who was as ambitious as Bacon this was a stern remonstrance indeed. Secondly, he came into contact with Mr. Edward Coke, against whom he developed a life-long enmity. So virulent was the animosity between these two men that, later, Bacon successfully campaigned to remove Coke from office and Coke, in his turn, was instrumental in Bacon's eventual fall. Coke and Bacon even contended over the same woman. Coke prevailed, but the marriage, from all accounts, was unhappy. Lastly, Bacon was admitted to the bar at twenty-one and five years later appointed as one of several minor queen's counselors (one of the queen's lawyers, somewhat akin to an assistant district attorney today). This was not an extremely prestigious appointment for one like Bacon who expected so much more, but, after the difficulties he faced thus far, it was in the queen's service and, as such, it was a start in the right direction.(11)
Unfortunately, for one who had high ambitions and needed to have the approbation of the queen to realize them, Bacon now made a serious misstep. As mentioned, he was a member of Parliament. In 1584 in this capacity he wrote a 'Letter of Advice to the Queen' concerning a revenue provision. The letter's purpose was to explain why he was against the provision of funds to meet the queen's request. In it he argued that the onus of the tax would fall most heavily upon the poor. In a lamentably poor choice of words he alluded to people being forced to sell their 'copper pots' (that is, their chamber pots) to meet this tax. This insulted the queen terribly. She was so angry that she banned Bacon from her presence for a time. Queens have long memories for this type of faux paux and, further, she felt betrayed, inasmuch as she felt she had advanced him early to the bar by her influence. As a result, he never obtained any consequential position in her government. However, she did relent to an extent in his appointment as counsel in 1586, as mentioned, and he regained access to her presence. This was a lesson in the exigencies of court patronage which he never forgot, for at no subsequent time did any of his writings express or imply criticism of the monarch. Indeed, his correspondence to his patrons takes on what today might seem to be a fawning note and never again did he expressly criticize his superiors or even, as he had in the Burghley letter, attempt to display his preferences as any but theirs.(12)
Bacon, for one who had his background and experience and who eventually became a prominently placed politician, demonstrated a surprising naiveté and, as shown above, he was, at first, incredibly unsophisticated in his choice of phrasing. Moreover, in what seems to be a contradiction of previous indications, his grasp of court politics was initially quite tenuous. After once having insulted Elizabeth I, he continued to exhibit his lack of acumen in court affairs by failing to recognize that there were two competing factions at court. One was led by his patron, Lord Burghley and his son, Robert Cecil. To his lordship Bacon penned a famous letter in which he asserted that his goals for civil service were unpretentious and that he only wanted a small post so that he might be enabled to pursue his first love, learning, and he modestly claimed "...all knowledge to be [his] providence." Although not lacking in confidence, this was not a claim to inspire assurance in a conservative politician of William Cecil's ilk. Burghley did, however, intercede for him and procured for him the position of the Registership of the Star Chamber. At the same time, in a another, greater miscalculation, Bacon made an ill-considered choice of friends. He supported the Earl of Essex, who, for a time, was Queen Elizabeth I's favorite. However, Essex was the enemy of Bacon's patron, Lord Burghley, and thus Bacon appeared to flout the family connections and the good will of the Cecil faction. Essex was instrumental in helping Bacon acquire the manor of Twickenham, which was worth £1800 a year, and a later appointment as queen's counsel. However, when Essex became involved in rebellion against the queen, Bacon was forced prosecute his former friend. This was a debacle three times over for Bacon. First, he had alienated the Cecils, who were in a position to thwart any further advancement for him at court. Second, questions of his loyalty to the queen were broached in the affair, and even though he successfully defended himself against these he remained besmirched by them.. Finally, he appeared inconsistent in friendship, as he ultimately had to participate in the prosecution of Essex, which caused him later difficulties with James I, who had close ties to Essex. In consequence, he advanced no further than the Registership of the Star Chamber, a minor sinecure in the royal judicial system, during Elizabeth I's reign.(13)
However, in the midst of all this he was continuing his intellectual exertions. He completed and dedicated Maxims of the Law, a legal tract, to the queen in 1596, during his unsuccessful campaign for the post of Solicitor General, which, by the way, went to Coke. Here his authorial persona was pressed into service to assist his political aspirations, a method he later employed on several occasions with considerably more success. The dedication of his works to his patron, particularly James I, tended to be a standard component of his campaigns to acquire different positions at court. Several of Bacon's prominent essays and books follow this formula, including: "A Discourse on the Happy Union of England and Scotland" (for a position in James I's court), "Certain Considerations Touching the Better Pacification and Edification of the Church of England" and The Advancement of Learning (for Solicitor General), De Sapientia Veterum (for Attorney General) and Novum Organum (a stand alone section of his Instauratio Magna that shall be discussed later).(14)
In 1597 he published the first edition of his Essays. It was re-issued numerous times over the years, and for each new edition Bacon penned additional essays. Bacon commented that most of his works would never be finished, inasmuch as he enjoyed editing, revising and adding to them whenever he took the time to revisit them. This publication was well received (it was also dedicated to James I) and established Bacon as a serious writer.(15) However, writing was not considered as a profession worthy of high regard in this period. It was thought of as rather less than savory and did not enhance one's reputation at court (several of Bacon's works were published posthumously due to this attitude) unless mitigating circumstances prevailed. Much more prestige was gleaned if you circulated an unpublished manuscript through your patronage network than if you had it published first. It flattered and honored your patrons to have them edit and critique your work. Moreover, it improved your standing politically, since, if you had picked your patrons carefully and they found your work worthwhile, they would be in positions of power from which they would be able to promote your prospects. This system also added intellectual legitimacy to the work, for courtiers were expected to be familiar with current thinking on a variety of topics in order that they might be more pleasing to the monarch. Thus, this process could be considered examination and critique by the best and brightest of the time. Plus, no one would gainsay the monarch's approval of a work, should that be forthcoming. Therefore, in lieu of acceptance in the academic community, the approbation of the court could confer a patina of legitimacy to a body of work. Furthermore, a 'gift' accepted by a monarch (through dedication of the material to the prince) ensured wide dissemination of an intellectual opus, as it would pass through the various European courts as part of an ongoing competition within which they vied with each other to demonstrate the intellectual brilliance and sophistication of their particular court. This constituted a further review by which the merits of a particular work would be debated, confirmed or debunked, thereby garnering additional endorsement for the sought after legitimization. In addition, throughout Europe, as Mario Biagioli contends in Galileo, Courtier, the courts of the time were much engaged by novelty. New and unique viewpoints and theories would be granted a far more extensive and open hearing than if presented in the academic forum of the time, which, in its inherent conservatism as outlined above, would be averse to any such submission. Moreover, in the patronage system that existed, Bacon would have needed significant ties to a patronage network within academia in order to have had his work considered seriously in that forum. However, his network was, and always had been, connected with the court. Therefore, it would be eminently logical and practical for Bacon, quintessentially a pragmatist, to use the arrangements that he had developed through the years, that had, in fact, been bequeathed to him through his family, rather than spend significant energies and time in the creation of a new, academic network. According to Benjamin Farrington, Bacon's idea was to obtain political office and in this way to forward his ideas "administratively". That is, Bacon considered that the use of the court as a legitimizing factor for his ideas to be the avenue that held the most promise of success.(16)
During the later years of Elizabeth I's reign, although Bacon had a court position in the Registership of the Star Chamber (which he, always being desirous of greater and greater responsibility, considered to be less than adequate), he continued to write. In the production of this period glimpses of the eclectic nature of Bacon's investigations are exhibited. Even though his specific interest was in the investigation and promulgation of methods of learning, his writings also reflected the more mundane aspects of his life which entailed his work in the judicial system and his life-long religious piety. He wrote An Advertisement Touching the Controversies of the Church of England; Of Tribute, or Giving That Which Is Due; Certain Observations Made upon a Libel Published This Present Year, 1592; A True Report of the Detestable Treason, Intended by Dr. Roderigo Lopez; A Promus of Formularies and Elegancies; Gesta Grayorum; Religious Meditations; and Places of Perswasion and Disswasion; among others. The works range from the crassly political to religious to aesthetic to philosophic. Obviously, a wide range of subjects piqued his interest and incited him to analysis. Interestingly, even taking into account the wide-ranging nature of these writings, they were but a precursor to the burst of important works he would produce in the years following Elizabeth I's death.(17)
In 1603 Elizabeth I died, heirless, and James VI, King of Scotland, ascended the English throne as James I. Bacon, an eternal optimist, believed that now would see a change in his political fortunes, which, in his estimation, had languished so long and unfairly under Elizabeth I. However, he did not consider that Robert Cecil would have the king's ear, having had correspondence with him for some time during Elizabeth I's last years. Nor was he aware that the king would, having had a close relationship with the Earl of Essex, consider him inconstant friend. Moreover, Coke, Bacon's nemesis from Gray's Inn, had successfully transferred his good standing to the new monarch and was in the king's good graces to the extent that he was personally knighted by James I. Bacon, being fairly eclipsed, in a rather adroit, but self-serving move, invoked the name of his deceased brother, who had been a supporter of both Essex and James, to ingratiate himself with the new king. This stratagem helped, and Bacon was knighted, although in a ceremony with three hundred others, that same year.(18)
With the indifferent reaction of the Court to his suits, he once again sought solace in his studies. Although he retained his counselor and registership posts he continued to work on his plans for the reform of the sciences. In 1604 he produced a tract on proposed improvements to knowledge. The body of this piece contained the germ of what would become The Advancement of Learning (A L), which he published the next year. In the A L he sets out a clear picture of what he viewed as the current state of knowledge and the areas which needed to be addressed, as he put it, "...for we are not to imagine..., but to discover..." He stated that it was his "object to not inflate trifles into marvels, but to reduce marvels to plain things." His dissatisfaction with the "contentiousness" of the current modes of scholarship and their inability to produce results that would benefit society, argued to him that these methods were now out of date and that a new model needed to be constructed. According to Bacon the A L was a combination of the old and the new and was a beginning to a reformation of learning. Having now become much more politically adept, he dedicated this to the king. In 1607 he was appointed Solicitor General. In this way he not only procured a substantial political position, but also gained recognition and legitimization for his ideas as James I accepted his dedication and even rewarded him for it.(19)
With this appointment his philosophical projects became an avocation as his advancing court position commanded an ever larger proportion of his time. However, before he was consumed with by his new responsibilities, the period of the start of his political ascendancy saw a burst of new philosophical writing. Bacon was developing his proficiency in the intellectual domain, creating substantial and substantive works, and performing successfully in the political arena at the same time. To Bacon this must have been the best of both worlds, utilizing the mental attributes that he possessed and simultaneously advancing in the highly competitive, exacting, and hazardous world of court politics. One must wonder if he did not believe that he could 'have it all', the exercise of his mental capacities in the satisfying production of philosophical works setting out his ideas for changes in the methods and objectives of learning, while also enjoying the fruits of successful political employment and the approbation of the king and court. There is a resonance effect here in which the expansion of his political power created the foundation for acceptance of his philosophical work. In turn, his writings encouraged the court to advance his political aspirations. In his plan to use politics to legitimate his philosophical proposals and create support for them this juncture is crucial as it creates the conditions for all that follows.(20)
In this period he produced Temporis Partus Masculus (The Masculine Birth of Time), a polemic against the contemporary structure of scholarship and, in particular, denouncing the small base of authors used in investigation and the reliance on Aristotle as the ne plus ultra. This piece and several other of his writings of this period were published posthumously, because he felt that they were too harsh to release. This reticence confirms his acquisition of discretion, maturity and understanding in and of the public sphere. Cogitata et Vera (Thoughts and Conclusions) and Redargutio Philosopharium (Refutation of Philosophy) were variations on the theme of Temporis, in which he criticized reliance on philosophic canon for instituting a method of study that stressed a turning inward and that diverted people from advancing the condition of humankind through direct observation of nature and into "contention" and useless argument. He held that the philosophy currently studied was so flawed that it needed to be discarded and a totally new method based on direct observation and experimentation needed to be generated, "[o]n a tablet you cannot write the new till you rub out the old, on the mind you cannot rub out the old except by writing in the new.". In his De Interpretatione Naturae Procemium (Preface to the Interpretation of Nature) he laid out a blueprint of his plans for natural histories. He was specifically interested in turning the world of learning to the betterment of society, "[n]ow among all the benefits that could be conferred upon mankind, I found none so great as the discovery of new arts, endowments, and commodities for the bettering of man's life." This perspective of useful application of learning is a constantly recurring theme in his writings. In support of this predilection he endeavored to convey the idea that he had already started down this path and in a comment, which is particularly relevant to us, he asserted that his zeal to acquire support for his philosophical system, through his attempts to attain political office, had been mistaken for ambition. This is a conscious acknowledgment of the use of public position for the legitimization of scholarship and also somewhat disingenuous, inasmuch as he was indeed ambitious.(21)
In this period he also produced Cogitationes de Natura Rerum (Thoughts on the Nature of Things); Cogitationes de Scientia Humana (Thoughts on Human Sciences), and Valerius Terminus of the Interpretation of Nature. All of these works were written in Latin. Bacon believed that the vernacular was too limited and too subject to swift change and that using Latin would assure the wide dissemination and preservation for posterity of his work, "[f]or these modern languages will, at one time or other play the bankrupt with books...." . In reference to the translation of his A L he commented that "[i]t is a book, I think, will live, and be a citizen of the world, as English books are not." His use of Latin to assist in the dissemination and preservation of his work also displays an expectation that, contradictory to his trust in the path of legitimization through the contemporaneous patronage system, his work would be doomed to be rejected in his own country and time. But, he believed, that future generations would be able to appreciate the structure for learning that he had envisioned. In his will Bacon consigned his works and his name "to the next ages, and to foreign nations." In a letter to Mr. Tobie Matthew he also said, "And, I must confess my desire to be, that my writings should not court the present time, or some few places in such sorts as might make them either less general to persons, or less permanent in future ages." And again to Tobie Matthew, "I have lost much time with this age, I would be glad...to recover it with posterity." Therefore, even though his optimism gave him faith in the methods he had chosen to promote his work, his pragmatic world view compelled him to consider the future as the arena in which his work would see its most general success.(22)
In exposition of his thoughts on improvement to the political structure with which he dealt, he wrote, De Sapientia Veterum (The Wisdom of the Ancients). This was one of a number of pieces that depart from his work on learning and 'natural philosophy' (what we today call science) and exhibits his understanding of the general politics of his time. It is an interpretation of fables and parables, selected and selectively edited by Bacon, which he uses to present, according to Studer, a coherent political philosophy. He had written before on political matters and had had a long interest in the reform of law. Moreover, in de Sapientia he also amalgamates some of his philosophical tenets into the interpretations. His analysis of each of the parables gives a contemporaneous insight into each and subtly suggests avenues of approach to differing political situations. Additionally, in contravention of what some of his later critics have claimed as his lack of sensitivity to the results of his philosophical structure, in the Daedalus story, he reveals his understanding that technology and the application of 'science' can have a negative aspect and can be perverted to serving the wrong ends. Therefore, he tempers his message of the use of natural philosophy for application in the world with the caveat that we must be cognizant and wary of the detrimental uses to which knowledge can be put. In de Sapientia, a work that is overtly political, we can observe the infusion of bits of his philosophical inclinations and its indirect influence on his political attitudes as well as the reverse. Thus Bacon displays a melding of the both the political and philosophical spheres; an unconscious presentation in the realm of authorship of that which he has been attempting consciously in his efforts to obtain political office and legitimization of his work. This book was immediately successful, inasmuch as, due to its subtlety, it could be read on a variety of levels from literal to interpretive and, thus, was accessible to a wide audience.(23)
The deluge of productivity ended in 1612 when Bacon was appointed Attorney General and his time for philosophical pursuits lessened. In addition, his political star was also assisted in its waxing with the death of Robert Cecil and the removal of the impediments he constructed to Bacon's advancement. However, Bacon did not stop writing completely. He did compose tracts for the reform of the laws of England, a project that he had on his mind since Elizabeth I's reign. In this can be seen his full commitment to the political realm. In addition, as a holder of high office, he was now able to bestow patronage. In this capacity he extended his hand to a newcomer at court, George Villiers, later Duke of Buckingham. His relationship with Villiers was to prove both a blessing and a curse. Initially, it redounded to his benefit as Villiers became King James I's favorite. The negative aspect of this relationship would present itself later in the circumstances surrounding Bacon's fall, which we shall examine below. In this period Bacon became more and more involved in the dispensation of justice and the government of England. However, being thus engaged did not allow much time for the perfection of the construction of his philosophical system, although he does state that he continued to refine and expand on his greatest project. What this project is he does not elaborate, but it can be assumed that he is referring to the Instauratio. Suffice it to say that his duties at court, while helpful in having work legitimized, did not allow for time to produce that work and Bacon devoted the majority of his energies to the execution of his political responsibilities.(24)
A striking item in Bacon's correspondence is the insistence, reiterated many times, that the ability to devote his entire time to scientific inquiry would please him more than anything else in life. In his famous letter to Burghley he tells of his desire to dedicate his life to learning, "...for the contemplative planet carry me away wholly...; ...I have vast contemplative ends,...[and] I hope I should bring in industrious observations,...profitable inventions and discoveries...." In a letter to the Bishop of Ely, his delegation of vacation time to his philosophical writing is seen when "...I send you some of this vacation fruits, and thus much more for my mind and purpose." In a letter to the University of Cambridge he looks forward to surcease from his political duties so that he might "...from the public cares, be translated to leisure and study." However, the impression tendered by this is tempered by his equally constant requests for political office. In the above-mentioned Burghley letter he asks for a position in the queen's service, "I ever bear in mind, in some middle place that I could discharge, to serve her majesty." and he finds the current state of education so deplorable, "...my ordinary course of study and meditation to be more painful than most parts of action are." Throughout his career he looks to advance his position in the government by petitioning the king and the king's favorites. By far the larger number of missives are in the latter vein. The seeming contradiction that this attitude implies is heightened by his advance into higher political office. However, this can also be seen as integration rather than dichotomy, as Bacon merges the two spheres of his life. Its most mature instance is evidenced at the time surrounding his fall, which we shall examine below.(25)
Bacon's political rise continued apace through the teens. By 1616 he had become a member of the privy council and, early in 1617, he was elevated to Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England. This may well have been the office that Bacon had desired all his life. It was the highest post attained by his father and with his ascension to it he was finally able to invoke his father's name without seeming to be attempting to use it to further his career. 1618 saw him succeed to the Lord High Chancellor's office upon the death of the incumbent, Thomas Egerton, Baron Ellesmere. He was created Baron of Verulam later that same year. In 1621 he turned 60 and was made Viscount St. Albans. He was at the zenith of his political power and career. Curiously, what had been an avenue by which he might be enabled to pursue intellectual interests and to have the produce of that pursuit legitimized had become the predominant component of his life.(26)
He was able to devote only small snippets of time to study for the greater part of this decade. However, it appears that part of the impetus for his elevation to the peerage was the publication of a new book and, especially, its dedication to James I. Throughout this period he availed himself of what free time he had in order to work on the his plan for the instauratio (restructuring) of learning and science. Those fragments of time, in addition to what he averred was over thirty years of effort, contemplation and study, resulted in his greatest work, The Instauratio Magna (The Great Restructuring). This comprehensive philosophy of learning was projected by Bacon to have six parts, each requiring an entire book, of which he completed only four and partial work on the fifth. Bacon acknowledged that he would be unable to complete the Instauratio and he referred that work to later generations. The first part and the overall dedication were published in 1620 and it was this that was instrumental in his ennoblement. Here again is the resonance effect that was displayed earlier in his career. Bacon's position at court allowed him to present writings, usually as manuscripts or publications that were dedicated to the king, which, in turn, garnered him additional honors at court and that enhanced political position gave the writings an arena in which to be disseminated, examined, and legitimized.(27)
The second part of the Instauratio is called Novum Organum (The New Organ). In this he delineated his system for discovery and investigation. He asserted that the investigator must attempt to be objective, to investigate all sides of the matter and audit the presentation of materials. Plus, he must expect to be wrong, but that was also part of the process. He argued that the discovery of secondary causes was insufficient for understanding; it was necessary to apprehend fundamental or primary causes and relationships in order to come to the essence of the matter. There is certainly something of Bacon the jurist, an objective judge weighing the evidence presented impartially, as well as the philosopher in the principles he expounded. Most importantly, he introduced into this structure the concept of inductive reasoning. Although he was not the first to consider this process, his was the most well organized use. Proceeding from objective observation, as was outlined above, one comes to conclusions about individual instances. With the reduction of natural observations to specific facts one can then ascend to general principles. Then the general principles serve as the base facts for further generalization until truth is induced. This use of induction to oppose the sterility of Aristotelian deductive logic and received knowledge is perhaps Bacon's greatest contribution to the world and is the basis of the scientific method as we know it. It is hard to convey the import of these ideas, inasmuch as they are taken for granted by us. However, in the early seventeenth century they were nothing short of revolutionary.(28)
Another of the precepts behind this great restructuring is the idea that the prince, the government, the public sector should be involved in the pursuit of knowledge by way of funding, encouraging and overseeing the undertaking. An essential of this oversight was to have practical science report annually on experiments and results. The emphasis is on utility and publicly organized collaboration resulting in processes that yield human dominion over nature. It is this thought that shows how Bacon hearkens back to the biblical injunction that humanity was to be given jurisdiction over all the Earth. However, although deeply religious in his Anglicanism, he did not believe that there was a connection between science and religion, except that religion is the basis for reality in a metaphysical sense. That is, he felt that truths were from God, but they were not dependent on miraculous intervention or motivation and were knowable. His emphasis on utility and collaboration led to his conviction that the public good was superior to private good and action superior to contemplation. He contended that the public good is the ultimate aim of morality, and "advocated practical use of ...knowledge" to attain it and to"...extend man's dominion over the universe..."(criticism of these tenets has been strident, contending that they have led to propaganda and totalitarianism). However, this was not to say humans had coercive rights over nature, for he believed that "[f]orce maketh Nature more violent in the Returne." Bacon believed that the perfection of human conduct was the union of contemplation and action and that knowledge of the inner structure of nature allowed for operations that were natural. Therefore, the task of the sciences was not to contemplate, but to produce for the good of humankind. Here is the core of one of his disputes with the academy of the time and one on which neither would be moved. In answer to later critics, Bacon did understand that, as shown in the Daedalus parable in de Sapientia, use was not the entire criterion, "..we cannot command Nature except by obeying her." These tenets led him to distinguish between what he called experiments of light and of fruit. Those of light were those that revealed valuable information that could be then be applied to additional experiments and used in the betterment of society. Those of fruit yielded immediate profit, but were to be avoided on the grounds that their utility was limited and hidden long term negative consequences were a distinct possibility. Thus, he was a gradualist; "[i]t were good that men, in their innovations, would follow the example of time itself, which indeed innovateth greatly, but quietly, and by degrees scarce to be perceived." He was an evolutionist rather than revolutionist and, although he was for reform, he took a long-term view. Bacon also contended that production is a path to truth and that truth equals utility; such that, these two can be held to be synonymous. Therefore, he was not really interested in application of results, per se, but in exposition of truth which would, by definition, lead to productive results. That is, the"...true ends of knowledge are for benefit and use of life."(29)
In dedicating the Instauratio to James I it was Bacon's intention to have James I take action on it, but, unfortunately, the king did not even understand it. His comment on its content to an associate was that Bacon's Instauratio "...is like the peace of God, which passeth understanding." James I is treated as a venal, manipulative pedant in most of the accounts of the period pertaining to Bacon, the villain in the text. Bacon's correspondence to him was, nevertheless, couched in glowing terms. He continually praised James I's intelligent, inquiring mind and his grasp of philosophical work (despite that James I's training was in the Aristotelian school that he abhorred). Bacon also astutely dedicated his major works to James I. In Biagioli we found that the relationship between the patron prince and his client was one of mutual legitimization. However, with a much stronger and longer term power base, the English king and queen were less pressed by the need for legitimization in their own kingdom than the Italians were in theirs. Therefore, the English monarchs had less need to have 'gems' offered for their glory and as a confirmation of their power. On the other hand, they did have the necessity and the strictures that came of dealing with Parliament. Bacon proclaimed himself a royalist, but his published political ideas and his first papers on politics, such as the "Advice to the Queen," did not support absolutism. His position was nearer the one laid out for ancient constitutionalism. In his works on Julius and Augustus Caesar and New Atlantis he propounded the belief that "civic greatness" was the key to a kind of Macchiavellian classic republicanism in which the enlightened prince, assisted, guided and supported by a selfless, meritocractic aristocracy (his views on equality and democracy were distinctly Elizabethan), ruled benevolently through application of scientific principles. In keeping with that interpretation, he felt that in governance raison d'etat was paramount. In his conception of government, counselors were supremely important and should be free to speak and examine all aspects of issues. He held that the fate of the country hinged more on counselors than princes, but princes used counselors to look good. He counseled the Duke of Buckingham, to "...countenance and encourage, and advance able men and virtuous men and meriting men." Unfortunately, he himself faltered in his choice of subordinates as several of the sources indicated. In addition, he felt that politics should be able to be known by the same methods as science and wanted to unite the theoretical and practica,l but his theory in politics, what he called civil science, was weak and he may not have believed that a true political science was possible (that, of course, can also be said for the discipline today). Bacon, as his correspondence shows, was aware of and knew the use of court flattery and, as his success in politics demonstrated, he was able to use the system as it was constituted at the time to the benefit of his philosophical agenda. In the case of the English monarchs the need was not so much for glorification as it was for practical, able politicians to negotiate and facilitate the relationship with Parliament, and Bacon, through his experience, was eminently qualified for that role. For the scientist in Bacon, it was more the political position he held that legitimated his writings with the approbation of the court of secondary importance, although it did assist in dissemination of his works. Therefore, while a client could not rely on the king or queen absolutely for the political legitimization of their philosophic propositions as in other courts, they could use their position to ease their access to the learned community if their propositions, like Bacon's, were unconventional.(30)
His career and his studies had combined to create, for him, the greatest achievements of his life, "...knowledge is never more dignified as when contemplation and action are...conjoined...." On the continent he was hailed as the greatest English philosopher. In England he was celebrated as the most powerful member of the royal government. Tragically, within six months he would be disgraced by charges of corruption (bribery), would tender a guilty plea, and would plummet from the heights.(31)
However, in his own inimitable way Bacon accepted this as a sign that he was meant to continue his writing without distraction and he, being barred from London, retired to write. Moreover, Bacon's fall that was not as complete as Galileo's. The impression obtained in considering the charges against him and his adamant repudiation of them until after a conference with the king and Buckingham, argues that he was used as a political shield in the king's fight with Parliament, that political expediency was the order of the day and the king commanded him to plead guilty. Additionally, also unlike Galileo, his philosophical principles were not called into question. He even used his writing to mitigate his fall. He promised (and delivered) James I a history of Henry VII, in effect in exchange for a pardon, although that may have been arranged in advance. He also published, and dedicated to James I, the second part of the Instauratio, Novum Organum. Incredibly, and indicating just how integrated the two areas had become for Bacon, in a reversal of the methods he had used throughout his life, he now used his writing to legitimate his political persona. In a short period of time his sentence was remitted and finally completely pardoned. He was even asked back to Parliament and the Court in his last year of life. But, he was not tempted to leave the contemplative life again. In next five years, ending with his death in 1626, his output was prodigious, even for a young man, let alone a man in his seventh decade. He composed and published, the History of the Reign of Henry VII; Abecedarium Naturae, or a Metaphysical Piece; Historia Ventarum (the History of the Winds); Historia Vitae et Mortis (The History of Life and Death); Historia Densi et Rari (The History of the Dense and Rare); Historia Gravis et Levis (The History of the Heavy and Light); A Discourse of a War with Spain; Dialogue Touching a Holy War; the Fable of the New Atlantis (unfinished at his death); A Preface to a Digest of the Laws of England; the beginning of the History of the Reign of Henry VIII; De Augmentis Scientiarum (On the Augmentation of the Sciences), a revision and expansion of his Advancement of Learning; Counsels, Civil and Moral; a revised edition of his Essays; conversion of selected Psalms into English; translation into Latin of many of his works; revision of de Sapientia Veterum; Inquisitio de Magnete (Questions concerning Magnetism); Topica Inquisitionis de Luce et Lumine (Questions into the Topics of Light); and Sylva Sylvarum, or the Natural History. By the time of his death, his stature, both in politics and in learning was assured.(32)
We often admire the building, but slight the man who poured the footings and laid the foundation. Such a man was Bacon. Not a scientist, per se, but a philosopher of science, learning, and knowledge. It was he who laid the foundations of the edifice that today is our scientific establishment, he who proposed the procedures and methods now such an integral part of our lives and our modern conceptual framework, he who saw education, learning, and knowledge as a public responsibility. Critics of Bacon's outlook argue that it led to materialism, destructive technology, commercialization of culture, modern industrial society, alienation, conformity, pollution, totalitarianism, and war. However, he was ever aware of the possibilities of the negative consequences that might arise from his methods and cautioned against them. He warned of those results as the outcome of the experiments of fruit, not those of light. He saw the underlying hand of God in all of nature. It was his belief that no matter how deeply man delved for final answers, he was bound to discover that ultimately the answer was God. However, it was also his contention that nature was there as the manifestation of the Supreme Being and was open to exploration, understanding and use by humankind. Although mastery over nature was possible, even desirable, people had to understand that they were, and had to live as, a part of nature. (33)
Bacon was a man of his time. He also intellectually transcended it. He played the court political game of patronage and factional politics well and, yet, in a trajectory that is eerily reminiscent of Galileo, was eventually humbled by those same devices. Before the fall he pursued a restructuring of the contemporaneous learning paradigm in a unique manner by looking to the patronage system as an alternate form of legitimating authority. I have argued that this tells us that his public career was a choice he made to support his program of intellectual perestroika when other avenues were closed to him. In the final analysis, which he would argue leads to further investigation and discovery, Bacon was a man forced to find an alternative method in the seventeenth century's absolutist political patronage system in his drive to reroute the course of humanity's understanding into new and more productive avenues when other courses were closed to him. Philosopher and scholar, politician and statesman, he bequeathed to us a rich inheritance which has yet to be fully plumbed. While there are others that have combined these two enterprises, court political position and philosophic/scientific investigation, the success he experienced in his political pursuits and the prolific and enduring nature of his ideas are unique. His use of the court for the legitimization of his philosophical agenda was inspired. And, his conscious pursuit of his goal of philosophic legitimization displays the sign of a mind that was able to evaluate and exploit the alternatives that were open to him. This was a 'modern' mind, one of the first. Bacon's clash with the academic establishment of the time moderated over time as each side came to see merit in the other. However, had Bacon not chosen an alternate method through which to legitimize his work it is doubtful that his work would have received the recognition that it deserved. His flexibility of approach and his adamant pursuit of his goals left a legacy in which our own minds are open to see the merit in alternate methods.
(1)Bacon, Francis. Instauration
Magna. in The Works of Francis Bacon, Lord Chancellor of
England. Volume III. Basil Montague, ed. Philadelphia: A.
Hart, late Carey & Hart, 1850, pp. 334(-522), 338-339.
_____ The Advancement of Learning. in Montague, vol 1, pp.
162-239.
_____ Cogitata et Visa. in The Philosophy of Francis
Bacon: An Essay on its Development from 1603-1609. Benjamin
Farrington, trans. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1964,
pp. 73-75, 80, 83, 88-90.
_____ Redargutio Philosopharum. in Farrington, pg. 110.
Bowen, Catherine Drinker. Francis Bacon: The Temper of a Man.
NY: Fordham University Press, 1991. First edition 1963. pg. xv.
Farrington, Benjamin. The Philosophy of Francis Bacon: An
Essay on its Development from 1603 to 1609. Liverpool:
Liverpool University Press, 1964, pp. 63, 69-71.
Montague, Basil, ed. The Works of Francis Bacon, Lord
Chancellor of England. Volume I. Philadelphia: A. Hart, late
Carey & Hart, 1850, pp. xix-xx
Peltonen, Markku. The Cambridge Companion to Bacon.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996, pp. 18, 32.
(2)Bacon, Francis. Instauration
Magna. in Montague, vol. 3, pp. 334-337.
_____ Letters to Mr. Matthew, 1609. in Montague, vol. 3, pp.
31-2.
_____ Cogitat et Visa. in Farrington, pp. 73-74, 83.
Farrington, pg. 21.
(3)Montague, vol. 1, pg. xvii.
Farrington, pg. 18.
Whitney, Charles. Francis Bacon and Modernity. New Haven,
CT: Yale University Press, 1986, pg 25.
(4)Bacon, Letter to James I, in
Montague, pp. 129-130.
_____, in Montague, vol. 3, pg. 333.
(5)I have used the spelling for Lord
Burghley throughout as it appears in Bacon's letters to him.
Bowen, pp. 25-28, 31-32.
Eiseley, Loren. The Man Who Saw Through Time. NY: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1973. First edition 1961, pg. 17.
(6)Eiseley, pp. 24, 29.
Montague, vol. 1, pp. xviii-xviii.
Peltonen, pg. 2.
(7)Bacon, Instauratio Magna. in
Montague, pp. 334, 338-339.
_____ The Advancement of Learning. in Montague, vol 1, pp.
162-239.
_____ Cogitata et Visa. in Farrington, pp. 73-75, 80, 83,
88-90.
_____ Redargutio Philosopharum. in Farrington, pg. 110.
_____ De Sapientia Veterum. London: Robert Barker, 1609.
reprinted NY: Garland Publishing Inc., 1976, pg. 130, #39.
Bowen, pp. xv.
Farrington, pp. 21-22, 30, 63, 69-71.
Montague, vol. 1, pp. xviii-xx.
Peltonen, pp. 18, 32.
(8)For several letters by Bacon
indicating solicitation of patronage of various people,
particularly Burghley, see Montague, vol. 3, miscellaneous
letters beginning pg. 191.
Bacon, Letter to Robert Cecil, in Montague, vol. 3, pp. 206-207.
_____, Letter to Lord Salisbury, in Montague, vol. 3, pg. 25.
Montague, vol. 1, pp. xxi-xxii.
Peltonen, pg. xii.
(9)Anderson, F. H. The Philosophy of
Francis Bacon. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948,
pg. 28.
Bacon, Letters to Lord Burghley, in Montague, vol. 3, pp. 1-3,
161-162.
_____, Letter to Puckering, in Montague, vol. 3, pg. 91.
Bowen, pp. 104, 160.
Farrington, pg. 13.
Montague, vol.1, pp. xxii-xxiii.
Peltonen, pg. xiii.
(10)Bacon, Letter to Lord Burghley, in
Montague, vol. 3, pp. 1-2.
_____, Letter to Bodley, in Montague, vol. 3, pp. 28-30.
_____, Letters to Essex, in Montague, vol. 3, pp. 3-4, 61-62.
_____, Letters to the queen, in Montague, vol. 3, pg. 37.
_____, Cogitata..., in Farrington, pp. 73-77, 83-84.
_____, Regardatio..., in Farrington, pg. 110. Bodley, Sir
Thomas, Letter to Bacon, in Montague, vol. 3, pp. 28-30.
Bowen, pg. xii, xv.
Farrington, pp. 21, 34, 69-72.
Montague, vol. 1, pg. xxiii.
(11)Bowen, pp. 49-50, 63.
Eiseley, pg. 44.
Montague, vol. 1, pp. xxxiii.
Peltonen, pg. xiii.
(12)Bacon, Letter to Lord Burghley, in
Montague, vol. 3, pp. 1-2.
Bowen, pp. 70-71.
Farrington, pg. 14.
Montague, vol. 1, pp. xxiii-xxiv.
Peltonen, pg. xiii.
(13)Bacon, Letter to Lord Burghley, in
Montague, vol. 3, pp. 1-2.
_____, Letter to Robert Cecil, in Montague, vol. 3, pp. 206-207.
_____, Letters to Thomas Egerton, Lord Keeper, in Montague, vol.
3, pp. 195-198, 202-204, 207.
_____, Letters to Robert Devereaux, Earl of Essex, in Montague,
vol. 3, pp. 3-8, 61-62, 192, 200, 202-203.
_____, Letter to the Queen, in Montague, vol. 3, pp. 201, 204.
Bowen, pp. 70-71, 104.
Cecil, Sir Robert. Letter to Bacon, in Montague, vol. 3, pg. 201.
Cecil, William, Lord Treasurer Burghley. Letter to Bacon, in
Montague, vol. 3, pg. 201.
Devereaux, Robert, Earl of Essex, Letters to Bacon, in Montague,
vol. 3, pp, 200-202, 204.
Eiseley, pp. 63, 104.
Farrington, pg. 14.
Montague, vol. 1, pp. xxiii-xxvi.
Peltonen, pg. xiii.
(14)Bacon, Dedication of Instauratio
Magna, in Montague, vol.3, pg. 333.
_____, Letter to Lord Treasurer Buckhurst, dedicating the Advancement
of Learning to James I, in Montague, vol. 3, pg. 26.
_____, Letter to Buckingham, dedicating the Novum Organum
to James I, in Montague, vol. 3, pg. 131.
Montague, vol. 1, pp. xxvii, xlix-li, lvi-lvii, lix.
Peltonen, pg. xiii, 11-12.
(15)Bacon, Letter to the Bishop of Ely,
in Montague, vol. 3, pp. 30-31.
Montague, vol. 1, pg xxvii.
Peltonen, pg. 20.
(16)Bacon, Letter to Mr. Matthews, in
Montague, vol. 3, pg . 10.
Biagioli, Mario. Galileo, Courtier: The Practice of Science in
the Culture of Absolutism. Chicago, The University of Chicago
Press, 1993, pp. 18, 39, 48, 55, 58, 66-67, 73-74, 302.
Bowen, pg. 104.
Farrington, pg. 11, 18.
Peltonen, pg. 7, 9-10.
Whitney, pg. 3.
(17)Farrington, pg. 11.
Montague, vol. 1, pp. xxvii-xxix.
Peltonen, pp. 6-7.
(18)Bowen, pg. 104.
Montague, vol. 1, pp. xlvii-xlviii.
Peltonen, pp. xiv, 7, 10.
(19)Bacon, Letter to Sir Thomas Bodley,
in Montague, pg. 27-28.
_____, Letter to Lord Treasurer Buckhurst, in Montague, vol. 3,
pg. 26.
_____, Letter to the Lord Chancellor, in Montague, vol. 3, pg.
26.
_____, Letter to the Earl of Northampton, in Montague, pg. 27.
_____, Letter to Earl of Salisbury, in Montague, vol. 3, pg. 25.
Bowen, pg. 105.
Farrington, pp. 11, 22, 30.
Montague, vol. 1, pg xlix, li-lii, lvi.
Peltonen, pp. xiv, 7-8, 23, 32, 34, 36, 287.
(20)Bacon, Letters to Sir Thomas Bodley,
in Montague, vol.3, pp. 27-28.
_____, Letter to Bishop of Ely, in Montague, pp. 30-31.
(21)Bacon, Letters to Sir Thomas Bodley,
in Montague, vol.3, pp. 27-30.
_____, Cogitata..., in Farrington, pp. 73-77, 80, 83.
_____, Regardatio..., in Farrington, pp. 103,110.
_____, Temporis Partus Masculus, in Farrington, pp. 62-72.
Bowen, pg xv.
Farrington, pp. 7-8, 9-11, 18, 30.
Peltonen, pg. 34.
(22)Contrarily, his insistence on the
use of Latin could also be interpreted as an unconscious striving
for acceptance by academia and a further attempt at
legitimization through the use of the language of scholarship,
but that is speculation on my part.
Bacon, Letter to Dr. Playfer, in Montague, vol. 3, pg. 26.
_____, Letter to Mr. Tobie Matthew, in Montague, vol. 3, pg. 151.
_____, Letter to Mr. Tobie Matthew, in Montague, vol. 3, pg. 71.
_____, Letter to the Prince of Wales, in Montague, vol. 3, pg.
152.
Bowen, pg. 3.
Le Doeuff, Michèle. "Hope in Science." in William A.
Sessions, ed. Francis Bacon's Legacy of Texts. NY: AMS
Press, 1990, pg. 9.
(23)Bacon, De Sapientia Veterum.
(Daedalus parable - pg. 90).
_____, Letter to Mr. Tobie Matthews, in Montague, vol. 3, pg. 10.
Montague, vol. 1, pg. lvii.
Peltonen, pg. 8, 36, 40.
Studer, Heidi D. "Grapes Ill-Trodden: Francis Bacon and The
Wisdom of the Ancients." Toronto: Doctoral Thesis University
of Toronto, 1992, pp. ii, 32, 35, 42.
(24)Bacon, law tracts, in Montague, vol.
2, pp. 229-242 and vol. 3, pp. 223-266, 295-314.
_____, Letter to Mr. Tobie Matthew, in Montague, vol. 1, pg.
lviii.
_____, Letters to Sir George Villiers, in Montague, vol. 1, pp.
45-50, 72.
Montague, vol. 1, pp. lxiii.
(25)Bacon, Letters to Burghley, in
Montague, vol. 3, pp. 1, 53.
_____, Letters to James I, in Montague, vol. 3, pp. 14, 16,
33-34, 36, 131, etc.
_____, Letters to Buckingham, in Montague, vol. 3, pp. 22, 45,
47-49, etc.
_____, Letter to the Lord Chancellor, in Montague, vol. 3, pg.
35-36.
_____, Letter to the Bishop of Ely, in Montague, vol. 3, pg. 30.
_____, Letter to the Earl of Salisbury, in Montague, vol. 3, pg.
21.
_____, Letter to Cambridge University, in Montague, vol. 3, pg.
63.
_____, Letter to Earl of Salisbury, in Montague, vol. 3, pg. 25.
Peltonen, pp. 285, 297.
(26)Bowen, pp. 161-163.
Montague, vol. 1, pp. lix, lxv, lxxi, lxxv.
Peltonen, pp. 284.
(27)Bacon, dedication to James I, in
Montague, pg. 333.
Montague, pp. lxxv, lxxvii, lxxxv.
Peltonen, pp. 11-12, 15.
Whitney, pg. 35.
(28)Bacon, Novum Organum, in
Montague, vol. 3, pp.343-431.
Bowen, pp. xv, xxii, 132.
Eiseley, pg. 35.
Montague, vol. 1, pp. lxxvi-lxxvii.
Peltonen, pp. 16-17.
(29)Bacon, Instauratio Magna,
Preface, in Montague, vol. 3, pp. 334-338.
_____, De Sapientia Veterum, pg. 90.
_____, Aphorisms, in Montague, vol. 1, pp. 454-455.
_____, dedication of I. M. to James I, in Montague, vol.
3, pg. 333.
_____, Letter to James I, in Montague, vol. 3, pg. 131.
Eiseley, pp. 51, 70, 80.
Farrington, pg. 22.
Peltonen, pp. 18-19, 31, 34, 36, 44.
Whitney, pg. 25.
(30)Bacon, Letters to James I, in
Montague, vol. 3, pp. 131, 136, 184.
_____, Letter to Lord Treasurer Buckhurst, in Montague, vol. 3,
pg. 26.
_____, Letter to Earl of Northampton, in Montague, vol. 3, pg.
27, pg. 27.
_____, dedication of I. M. to James I, in Montague, vol. 3, pg.
333.
_____, dedication of A L to James I, in Montague, vol. 3, pp.
26-27.
_____, "Julius Ceasar", in Montague, vol. 1, pp.
401-403.
_____, "Augustus Ceasar", in Mntague, vol. 1, pg. 403.
_____, New Atlantis, in Montague, vol. 1, pp. 255-286.
Bowen, pg. 180.
Biagioli, pp. 4, 16, 29-30.
Montague, vol. 1, pg. lxv, cxvii.
Peltonen, pp. 11-12, 22, 290, 292, 297-300, 302.
(31)Bowen, pp. 161-163, 180.
Montague, vol. 1, pp. lxv, lxxv, xcix, cx.
Peltonen, pg. 12.
(32)Bowen, pg. 211.
Montague, vol. 1, pp. c, civ, cvi, cix-cx.
(33)Bowen, pg. 8.
Eiseley, pp. 55, 68.
Montague, vol.1, pg. cxi.
Peltonen, pg. 19, 31, 34, 43-44.
Studer, pg. ii.